One wonders whether, in his final breaths, former Hamas leader Mohammed Sinwar contemplated how Israeli intelligence managed to so precisely locate the tunnel where he was hiding alongside Rafah Brigade commander Muhammad Shabana.
A tour of the European Hospital compound in southeastern Khan Younis—near the site of the strike that once again left Hamas’ military leadership missing key figures—reveals a sprawling infrastructure that allowed Sinwar and his aides to command the October 7 attack and evade the IDF for a year and a half.
Inside the tunnel, estimated to be several hundred meters long and about seven meters (23 feet) deep, were multiple entry and exit shafts, living quarters and a setup designed to support prolonged wartime hiding.
To protect themselves, Sinwar and other senior figures from the terror group often stayed near hostages, hoping they’d serve as human shields. One such hostage was Edan Alexander, whose American citizenship was seen by Hamas—correctly, in retrospect—as a strategic asset. His release led to the resumption of humanitarian aid deliveries into the Gaza Strip.
Once the IDF identified that Hamas leaders were in a tunnel beneath the hospital, the military decided to target the entire tunnel network—without striking the hospital itself. The Air Force bombed and sealed all tunnel shafts and Sinwar died of asphyxiation—much like Hassan Nasrallah reportedly did in Beirut.
The visit to Khan Younis came during a dramatic and painful phase of the war. Eight soldiers were killed last week, four of them in a serious incident on Friday: a bomb planted on the second floor of a building exploded, even though the force had used all available resources.
Elite Maglan troops identified the threat and called in the Yahalom combat engineering unit. It’s still unclear exactly what went wrong but the devastating result once again sent waves of grief through Israel and renewed difficult questions about the combat strategy and its purpose.
In light of repeated incidents like this—typical of guerrilla warfare against an enemy that no longer operates like a regular army—the IDF decided to scale back the entry of troops into buildings.
At the same time, a meeting with soldiers from the Golani Brigade’s reconnaissance unit—an active-duty unit supported by reservists—showed that morale on the ground remains high. The soldiers under Lt. Col. D., who has commanded the unit since the war began, expressed full confidence in achieving the war’s two main goals: bringing back the hostages and defeating Hamas, which would enable the safe return of residents in the surrounding communities.
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The military’s efforts to resolve some of the logistical problems that plagued the early months of the war have contributed to this positive energy. Complaints about food, for instance, are no longer heard; in fact, the IDF is making an effort to provide hot meals that satisfy the troops.
Still, one of the most pressing issues now is the need to give soldiers time off—at least partially at home. Currently, soldiers see their families and partners only once every 45 days, a clear and immediate risk of burnout with consequences for combat performance.
Golani Brigade commander Col. Adi Ganon is working to shorten deployment periods in Gaza and to establish a fixed routine—when soldiers go out and when they return. “It’s okay to pause or scale back a brigade-level assault so that soldiers can recharge,” said one young officer. “It’s not right to push people to the brink—not even the best of them.”
The endless war routine is also taking a toll on the command ranks. Brigade and battalion commanders, as well as senior NCOs with families, say they’ve barely been home in the past 18 months.
And that applies not only to Gaza—staying in Lebanon or Syria for extended periods is no recipe for a normal life either. But the personnel shortage, due to the number of casualties and wounded, is making itself felt.
Even in quieter times, the IDF tries to give commanders long breaks or sabbaticals at the end of their tours. But under current conditions, some officers believe it would be better to allow more frequent leave during the tour itself, to maintain personal, family and professional functioning and to avoid burnout that could affect motivation to remain in the career army.
These problems are not simple, and they shouldn’t be swept aside until the war is over. But they don’t contradict the prevailing sense among military leadership that momentum is on their side.

Despite the heavy losses, top commanders are satisfied with the pace of progress on the ground, the impact of civilian evacuations and the wedge that’s been driven between Hamas and the population over humanitarian aid. The actions of the Abu Shabab clan, which is challenging Hamas in Khan Younis, are seen by the General Staff as an early sign of a possible future for Gaza.
With the Iranian threat approaching a boiling point and continued concern for the hostages’ fate, the IDF would very much like to see post-war Gaza arrive yesterday.